WASHINGTON – Cash-strapped states are beginning
to look to Medicaid, the federal-state program to
provide health coverage for the poor, as a way to remedy
their budget crises. So is the White House. The Bush
administration has advanced a proposal that ties a
revamp of Medicaid to short-term fiscal relief for
states.
But Democrats say the Bush plan is “far too radical.”
“It’s safe to say that that proposition is going to
face strong opposition from Senate Democrats,” said Jim
Manley, spokesman for Massachusetts Sen. Ted Kennedy,
the top Democrat on the Senate Health, Education, Labor
and Pensions Committee.
Bush has proposed giving states more control over
Medicaid programs and $12.7 billion. Connecticut Gov.
John Rowland and other members of the National Governors
Association have formed a task force whose goal is to
reform Medicaid; they have not said whether it will
incorporate the Bush plan.
“Rising health care costs and rising caseloads,
coupled with declining state revenues have made the
program unsustainable for many states,” said a National
Governors Association news release earlier this year.
According to Melanie Nathanson and other experts at
the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities, a liberal
research organization that analyses issues dealing with
low-income families, “Medicaid reform” is politically
loaded terminology that implies the program isn’t
working.
“Things aren’t broken with Medicaid,” said Nathanson.
“What’s broken are state economies.” Medicaid, as the
largest or second largest program on most state budgets,
makes an easy target for legislators trying to
compensate for a “structural mismatch in [their] states’
ability and willingness to raise revenue,” she said.
Rowland said recently that Medicaid makes up about 20
percent of the Connecticut’s total budget.
“From the perspective of probably every state
governor, what they see is an enormous sea of red ink,”
said Joseph Antos, an analyst for the conservative
American Enterprise Institute.
The Bush administration has offered what Antos calls
a $12.7 billion bailout of state Medicaid plans. But the
offer does not come without strings.
Medicaid is one of the few government programs that
operates under a cost-sharing arrangement between the
state and federal governments, with the state
administering the program and payouts subject to strict
federal guidelines. In Connecticut, the “match rate” is
50/50 between state and federal funds.
The arrangement puts no cap on Medicaid spending
because anyone who meets eligibility requirements must
be served.
Now, Bush is proposing that states be given more
flexibility in how they use the Medicaid funds by
replacing the current financial partnership with an
annual federal allotment to each state projected from
2002 funding levels.
Analysts like Nathanson are quick to point out that
the allotment plan would reduce the state’s ability to
respond to major events, such as economic downturns,
that swell the number of people on Medicaid or new
treatments that introduce unexpected costs. “It’s
difficult, in the realm of health care, to really
predict spending,” Nathanson said.
Kennedy spokesman Manley added: “It’s safe to say
that that proposal’s going to face strong opposition
from Senate Democrats.”
The $12.7 billion would have to be paid back, through
cuts to the block grant program starting in 2011. The
success of the bailout plan rests on the idea that the
extra money now could pay for a Medicaid restructuring
that would create savings in the long run. Rowland has
compared it to the federal welfare reforms made in the
mid-90’s, but some experts were dubious.
“It’s a false promise,” said Manley.
“It will be very difficult,” agreed the conservative
Antos.
He pointed out that “states have always had
flexibility to expand eligibility for the [Medicaid]
program” and during the boom times of the late 90’s they
did just that, expanding coverage to individuals and
services that are “optional” under the laws that govern
Medicaid. Restructuring, he said, would essentially mean
cutting some of those benefits, which would provoke “a
storm of protest” at the state level.
Of course, the entire concept of restructuring for
savings is flawed if, like Nathanson, you don’t believe
there is a problem with Medicaid at all. While every
program, public or private, has waste and abuse
problems, Nathanson said, waste in Medicaid is “pretty
minimal.”
Connecticut has already instituted cuts in “optional”
coverage that could, according to Nathanson and other
experts, result in about 30,000 people losing coverage.
Other options for easing the pressure of Medicaid
funding on state budgets remain nebulous. In March, the
Senate expressed support for the idea of assisting state
governments by raising the federal match rate for
Medicaid. However actual legislation to do that has yet
to be introduced.
“The other alternative is just to defeat the
proposal,” said Manley. Senate Democrats, he said, do
not believe that the current Medicaid program is
unsustainable. “Members are willing to look at some
reforms,” he said, “but these are far too radical.”
The other major focus of efforts to reduce Medicaid
expenses involves people called “dual-eligibles” --
seniors or persons with disabilities who are also
eligible for Medicare. Nationally, payments to
dual-eligibles make up 35 percent of all Medicaid
payments, said a spokeswoman for the Centers for
Medicare and Medicaid Services, a branch of the
Department of Health and Human Services.
Unlike Medicaid, Medicare is completely funded by the
federal government. But Medicare does not pay for some
services, like nursing home care and prescription drugs,
that many dual-eligibles rely on heavily from Medicaid.
According to a Center on Budget and Policy Priorities
report, the discovery of new drugs and techniques has,
over time, “reduced the length of time that people are
hospitalized and increased the use of ambulatory care
and prescription drugs.”
A 2002 report from the U.S. Department of Health and
Human services also emphasized the importance of
pharmaceuticals in improved longevity and quality of
life. “Half the drugs prescribed or administered in
office visits in 1999,” it said, “were not prescribed or
administered at all in 1985.”
In other words, the costs of health care have shifted
towards greater spending on prescription drugs -- which
are only covered by Medicaid -- and in turn, shifted
much of the cost of people with dual eligibility away
from Medicare and into Medicaid, increasing the
proportion of total health care costs paid by states.
Rowland is hoping that the federal government will
agree to help the states by financing all the health
care needs of those dual-eligibles. However, details
about the his task force’s plan are scarce.
Experts also agree that another way of reducing costs
to the states would be a national prescription drug
benefit connected to Medicare. A variety of plans for
such a benefit have been debated in Washington for
years, but lawmakers have been consistently unable to
reach agreement. But as the specter of state budget
crises grows larger, all sides agree the debate is
likely to begin again in earnest.